Manki-Munda Governance System: Origins, Wilkinson's Rules, Ho Tribe
Gajendra Singh Godara
Sep 16, 2025
10
mins read
Manki-Munda System: It is a centuries-old self-governance framework of the Ho adivasi community. Each village is led by a hereditary Munda, responsible for resolving local disputes, while a group of 8–15 villages, called a pidh, is overseen by a Manki, handling cases unresolved at the village level.
The system is decentralized and purely socio-political, with no role in revenue collection, land management, or taxation. A cluster of villages, called a pidh, is led by a Manki who handles issues that go beyond a single village. Traditionally, the system dealt with social and political matters within the community. It did not include formal revenue collection, land registration or external taxation.
Why in the News?
The Manki-Munda system in Jharkhand’s Kolhan region has come under focus following recent protests by the Ho tribe, who accused district officials of interfering with their traditional governance by removing hereditary village heads (Mundas).
decentralized, centuries-old framework—where a Munda heads each village and a Manki oversees clusters—remains vital for local dispute resolution and tribal autonomy, but faces challenges from modern administrative reforms and calls for democratization, making its relevance in safeguarding cultural identity and community-led governance particularly significant today.
Colonial Encounters and Transformation of Local Governance
After the East India Company’s victories at Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764), it acquired diwani rights (1765), granting power to collect taxes throughout Bengal, Bihar, Odisha, and Jharkhand.
The Permanent Settlement Act of 1793 then empowered zamindars with land deeds and fixed but often unrealistic tax targets. To meet these demands, zamindars encroached upon tribal Ho lands in Kolhan, sparking a series of uprisings including the Ho Revolt (1821–22) and the widespread Kol Revolt (1831).
Unable to subdue the adivasi resistance, the British made a strategic compromise: formally recognising and integrating the traditional Manki-Munda governance system into their colonial administration.
Codification of Tribal Law: Wilkinson’s Rules and Legacy
In 1837, Captain Thomas Wilkinson was appointed as Political Agent for the Kolhan region, and developed 31 “Wilkinson’s Rules” in 1833, which formally codified the Manki-Munda system for the first time.
These rules acknowledged tribal leaders but transformed them into British agents, merging customary law with colonial authority and integrating Kolhan into British India. The rules also restricted outsider (dikku) land access, yet demographic shifts followed: outsiders surged from 1,579 in 1867 to over 15,000 by 1897, aided by expanding railways and introduction of private property culture—Mundas and Mankis were granted pattas (deeds) and became raiyats (tenants), shifting landholding from collective to individual ownership.
Even after Independence, Wilkinson’s Rules survived: Kolhan remains largely exempt from India’s general civil procedure laws, and courts have deemed them valid custom (Mora Ho vs State of Bihar, 2000). Though attempts like Jharkhand’s 2021 “Nyay Manch” draft aimed at reform, the system and its colonial legal foundation continue, leaving open questions about updating tribal autonomy and local justice for present needs.
How Wilkinson's Rules changed social and economic relations?
The formal recognition helped administration, yes. But it also altered traditional checks and balances. The introduction of individual pattas eroded customary collective ownership. Outsiders began settling in the region with greater ease. Over decades, these changes reshaped livelihoods and social relations in Kolhan, sometimes triggering conflict.
Roots of the Current Unrest in Kolhan
The recent unrest in West Singhbhum district of Jharkhand arose from grievances raised by Scheduled Castes and OBC communities within predominantly Ho tribal villages.
Key issues included Mundas, the hereditary village heads, allegedly restricting the Gope community from pursuing non-traditional livelihoods and the prolonged absence of some village leaders, which caused difficulties in accessing official documents.
In response, the district administration issued a nine-point directive reminding Mundas of their responsibilities under Wilkinson’s 1837 Hukuknama, aiming to ensure transparency and accountability within the Manki-Munda system. However, this move was widely misunderstood by villagers as government interference against the indigenous leadership, triggering rumors and unrest. The administration clarified it respects customary laws and intends only to facilitate proper functioning, but underlying tensions regarding autonomy and leadership reforms persist.
Also read on Local Self‑Government in India
Key facts about the Ho tribe
Ethnolinguistic identity: The Ho tribe belong to the Austroasiatic Munda group and speak the Ho tribe language. The language uses Devanagari, Latin script and a native script called Warang Citi developed by Lako Bodra.
Geography: Concentrated in Jharkhand's Kolhan region, also found in Odisha, West Bengal and Bihar, with smaller populations in Bangladesh and Nepal.
Economy: Largely agrarian; strong dependence on sal forests. Early adopters of settled cultivation among some adivasi groups.
Culture: Festivals include Mage Parab, Baa Parab and Sohrai. Social space such as the akhra is central to community life.
Comparative table: Traditional practice vs Wilkinson's Rules effects
Aspect | Traditional Manki-Munda System | After Wilkinson's Rules |
Authority source | Custom, community consensus | Custom recognised and codified by colonial admin |
Land | Often held collectively or under customary tenure | Individual pattas, raiyat status introduced |
Role in revenue | No formal revenue role | Acted as intermediaries for revenue records and administration |
Succession | Hereditary, chosen within clan norms | Hereditary but with legal recognition increasing state oversight |
Conflict drivers | Internal disputes resolved locally | New conflicts over land titles, outsider settlement, administrative duties |
Why do administrators and courts struggle?
The main tension is between preserving customary autonomy and ensuring rights of all residents, especially marginalised groups. Court cases have treated Wilkinson's Rules as customs that continue to operate where they do not conflict with statutory law. The Patna High Court in Mora Ho v State of Bihar (2000) noted they are customs rather than formal law but allowed their continued operation in practice. That creates legal ambiguity.
UPSC Previous Year Questions
Q. Consider the following pairs: (2013)
Tribe State
1. Limboo (Limbu) Sikkim
2. Karbi Himachal Pradesh
3. Dongaria Kondh Odisha
4. Bonda Tamil Nadu
Which of the above pairs are correctly matched?
(a) 1 and 3 only
(b) 2 and 4 only
(c) 1, 3 and 4 only
(d) 1, 2, 3 and 4
Ans: (a)
Q. Consider the following statements about Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) in India: (2019)
PVTGs reside in 18 States and one Union Territory.
A stagnant or declining population is one of the criteria for determining PVTG status.
There are 95 PVTGs officially notified in the country so far.
Irular and Konda Reddi tribes are included in the list of PVTGs.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
(a) 1, 2 and 3
(b) 2, 3 and 4
(c) 1, 2 and 4
(d) 1, 3 and 4
Ans: (c)
The Manki-Munda system remains a vital part of the Ho tribe’s identity and self-governance in Jharkhand’s Kolhan region, embodying centuries of indigenous decentralized administration and community justice. Despite codification under British colonial rule through Wilkinson’s Rules, the system has persisted post-independence, balancing customary authority with formal state structures. However, contemporary challenges—including administrative interventions, demands for reform, generational shifts, and legal ambiguities—highlight the complex process of modernizing while preserving tribal autonomy. A sensitive, inclusive approach is needed to reform the Manki-Munda system, ensuring it adapts to today’s democratic and administrative realities without eroding cultural heritage, thereby serving as a model for respectful integration of indigenous governance within India’s constitutional framework.
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