Gajendra Singh Godara
Sep 24, 2025
15
mins read
Lok Sabha & Rajya Sabha:
Women’s share in Parliament is very low. In the newly elected 18th Lok Sabha (2024), only 74 out of 543 MPs (14%) are women – marginally down from 16% in 2019. PRS data notes that women’s representation in Lok Sabha has grown slowly from 5% in 1952 to about 15% today.
In the Rajya Sabha, women account for roughly 17% of members (42 of 245 seats as of 2025). India currently ranks around 149th globally for women in parliament. For context, 46% of MPs in South Africa and 35% in the UK are women, highlighting India’s lag.
State Assemblies: The picture is even weaker in state legislatures. On average only 9% of MLAs (Legislative Assembly members) are women. No state legislature crosses 20% female legislators. Chhattisgarh has the highest (18%), while some states like Himachal Pradesh have just one woman MLA and others like Mizoram have none. Overall, most states remain far below even 10%.
Local Bodies (Panchayats & Municipalities):
Reservation has boosted women’s grass-roots participation. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments mandate at least one-third seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and urban local bodies. Today, about 46% of all elected representatives in Gram Panchayats are women (≈14.5 lakh EWRs).
In fact, 21 states provide 50% reservations at the local level. This has made India’s female representation in local self-governance unparalleled globally. However, this success at the grassroots has not translated upward: the very legislative bodies with the most impact on national policy remain male-dominated.
Recent Developments: Women's Reservation Bill was passed in September 2023, reserving 33% of seats for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies. Implementation is expected after the next census and delimitation exercise.
In summary, women’s political participation is highest at the village level (due to quotas), but in Lok Sabha (14–15%) and state legislatures (~10%), it is far below parity.
Table of content
Women’s underrepresentation stems from deep-rooted social and structural barriers:
Patriarchy and Stereotypes: India is a patriarchal society where politics is often seen as a “man’s domain.” Cultural norms expect women to prioritize household roles over public life. Even ambitious women face biases that question their leadership abilities. For example, political parties often assume men are more “electable,” leading to fewer women candidates. Drishti IAS notes that social expectations and gender stereotypes discourage women from entering politics.
Socio-Economic Barriers: Many women lack access to education and economic resources. Rural and poor women, especially from marginalized castes, struggle to finance campaigns or even gain political training. The high cost of elections and unequal control over family finances mean fewer women can contest. Limited schooling or mobility (especially for upper-caste women facing gender norms) also restricts political agency.
Political Party Dynamics: Women are underrepresented within party structures. Parties nominate fewer women candidates and rarely place them in winnable seats. Even today, major parties have only single-digit percentages of women office-bearers. This “pipeline problem” means most contenders are men. The lack of internal party democracy and biases at higher levels denies aspiring women the chance to emerge.
Violence and Safety: Women politicians face more harassment, both at rallies and online. Instances of intimidation, sexual harassment and even violence against women leaders are not uncommon, which deters many from entering politics. The absence of safe, supportive environments within parties and electoral contests is a significant hurdle.
Structural Issues: Work-life balance and familial opposition also matter. Many women are the primary caregivers, making it hard to spend months on the campaign trail or in parliament. The perception that women should only handle “soft” ministries (Women & Child, Social Welfare) also limits their roles.
Though overall numbers are low, the sociodemographic profile of women politicians is diversifying:
Caste & Community: Quotas at the local level have empowered many marginalized women. Studies show that when women’s seats are reserved (e.g. in Panchayats), the majority of elected women leaders are from lower castes. For instance, in rural areas with reserved seats for women, over 95% of presidents were women, and most were from SC/ST communities.
Class and Education: Traditionally, many women leaders came from political families (a form of elite “dynasty”). But now more educated professional women – lawyers, activists, and NGO leaders – are entering politics. Examples include Meira Kumar (former Lok Sabha Speaker), Supriya Sule, and others with strong educational backgrounds.
Regional Balance: Some states have more women representation. States like West Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha (with 50% local quotas) see more women in state politics. Southern states with strong social movements (Tamil Nadu, Kerala) have historically elected more women legislators compared to the North.
In short, as India’s politics changes, more women from varied backgrounds are stepping up. Intersectional research suggests gender quotas have “unexpected effects” by not only boosting women’s numbers but also improving representation for low-caste groups. This diversification is a positive sign: it means future reforms will benefit not just elite women but the poorest and most marginalized, broadening democracy.
When women are excluded or underrepresented, democratic governance suffers:
Policy Blindspots: Legislatures with few women tend to neglect issues affecting women and families. For example, lack of women’s voice in Parliament can mean slower progress on maternal health, child nutrition, education for girls, and gender-based violence laws. Conversely, India’s low parity likely delays policy focus on critical areas like sanitation, health, and laws against domestic violence.
Democratic Deficit: A democracy where half the population has limited voice is fundamentally less inclusive. When women’s views aren’t heard, laws may inadvertently disadvantage them or ignore their needs. This can erode trust in institutions among women voters. Essentially, lacking women’s perspectives narrows the debate and can skew priorities.
Inequity and Role Models: Underrepresentation reinforces stereotypes that leadership is for men. Young women have fewer role models in public office, which can discourage political ambitions. It also perpetuates the idea that women’s work is “private” (home, family) rather than public service.
Lost Talent: With women’s talents and experiences sidelined, governance misses out on leadership skills and innovative solutions. Diversity in decision-making leads to better outcomes – teams with mixed genders tend to consider broader perspectives. India may lose this advantage with such low female participation.
In sum, insufficient women’s political representation contributes to a lack of focus on gender issues, a legitimacy gap in democracy, and stunted social progress. Evidence suggests that more balanced legislatures lead to more comprehensive development. Addressing this gap is crucial for truly inclusive governance.
Constitutional Amendments:
The 73rd and 74th Amendments (1992-93) mandated a minimum one-third reservation for women in Panchayats and Municipalities, enabling greater political participation at the local level.
The 106th Constitutional Amendment (2023) provides for one-third reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies, including seats reserved for SCs/STs. However, its actual implementation depends on the next census and subsequent delimitation, followed by rotation.
Women's Reservation Bill:
First introduced in 1996, the bill seeks 33% reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies. Despite multiple attempts, a lack of consensus has delayed its enactment.
The latest legislative effort will implement reservation for 15 years, with seats rotated every delimitation cycle.
Right to Vote:
Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution guarantee political equality and the right to vote for women by ensuring Universal Adult Franchise and Preventing exclusion from the voter's list based on sex.
Party-Level Quotas:
Several political parties voluntarily nominate significant numbers of female candidates. Notably, Naam Tamilar Katchi (50%), Lok Janshakti Party (40%), and Nationalist Congress Party (40%) lead such efforts, while other parties range from 20%–33% women candidates in elections.
Empowerment Schemes & Programs:
Schemes such as Mahila Shakti Kendra, Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, and STEP aim to raise women's socio-economic status and indirectly foster conditions for increased political participation.
Civil Society and Women's Movements:
Numerous women’s rights groups and civil society organizations have campaigned for enhanced representation of women in all branches of government, influencing legislative change and public debate.
International Commitments:
India is a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and aligns with the Beijing Declaration on gender equality, promoting women's participation in public life.
Capacity-Building Initiatives:
The National Commission for Women (NCW) and civil society organisations have launched training programs aimed at equipping women with leadership skills.
To bridge the gender gap, the government enacted the Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023, known as the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (Women’s Reservation Bill). The law (Gazette notified Sept 29, 2023) reserves one-third of seats in the Lok Sabha and all State Legislative Assemblies for women. Crucially, it also reserves 33% of the existing SC/ST quotas within those seats for SC/ST women, ensuring inclusive uplift. This follows decades of efforts: the bill was first introduced in 1996 and reintroduced several times before final passage in 2023.
Key points:
Scope: Applies to Lok Sabha (181 of 543 seats) and all State Assemblies (including Delhi). Effect will be for 15 years initially, similar to past reservation expirations.
Rotation: Seats reserved for women will be rotated every 10 years by lottery (post-delimitation), to distribute benefits across constituencies.
Current Status: The bill is now law, but its implementation depends on fresh delimitation (using the next Census data). This means reservations will likely take effect in a future election (possibly post-2029).
India’s situation must be viewed globally. The proportion of women in legislatures worldwide is rising slowly (about one-third on average). Some highlights:
Top Performers: Rwanda leads with ~64% women in the lower house. Nordic countries (Iceland, Sweden, Norway) consistently exceed 40%. Countries like Mexico (50.2%), Cuba (55.7%) and Nicaragua (55.0%) have achieved gender parity in parliament.
Global Rankings: India ranks very low; data from IPU shows India (13.8% combined parliament) around 145th out of ~185 countries. Even Pakistan and Bangladesh have marginally higher percentages.
International Commitments: Under UN Women’s empowerment goals (SDG 5) and CEDAW, India and other countries have pledged to ensure women’s full participation by 2030. The passage of reservation reflects India’s effort to meet these global standards.
Regional Variations: South Asia’s best is Nepal (~33%) after quotas; China also about 24%. Middle Eastern parliaments (e.g. UAE) have pushed for greater female presence via quotas. Globally, the Global Gender Gap Report 2023 notes political empowerment as the slowest-improving gap (only ~22.5% closed).
Thus, while the world average for women in parliament is rising, India still lags behind many peers. Scandinavian democracies and some African nations show it’s possible to achieve near parity. The UN and international NGOs encourage special measures (like quotas, training) – similar to those now being adopted in India. International comparisons underscore that greater women’s representation yields stronger democracies.
Boosting women’s participation requires multi-pronged actions:
Legislated Quotas: Beyond the recent 33% quota in Parliament, some experts suggest party quotas (e.g. parties committed to 30-50% women candidates) until legal quotas apply. At state level, more states can adopt laws mandating 50% women councillors (as seen in PRI reform).
Political Party Reforms: Parties must proactively field and promote women candidates. This can be encouraged by incentive schemes (like extra party funding per woman candidate) or mandatory internal gender targets. Parties should strengthen internal democracy and mentorship programs for women aspirants.
Training & Capacity Building: Government and civil society should expand programs to train women leaders (e.g. “Sashakt Panchayat-Netri” campaign by MoWCD) – covering campaign skills, legislative processes and leadership. Early leadership programs (in colleges, NGOs) can build confidence and networks for future politicians. Education is critical: as Drishti notes, schools must promote girl education so women later have the skills to lead.
Legal and Social Support: Laws protecting women from election-related harassment, and safety measures (for women campaigning alone) encourage participation. Voter education campaigns (SVEEP) must highlight women’s voting power and leadership. Efforts like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao change cultural perceptions over time, making politics more accepted for women.
Role Models and Visibility: Celebrating women leaders in media, showcasing successful female parliamentarians, helps normalize women in power. Civil society can highlight studies (e.g. by UN or PRS) showing how women’s representation benefits society – providing a strong narrative in support.
By combining legal reforms with societal change and political will, India can gradually increase women’s share. The government’s own steps (women’s reservation, capacity-building workshops, women-friendly panchayats) reflect the recommended approach. However, ultimately political parties and society must commit to gender-inclusive leadership.
Read more on Local Self-Government In India : LSG & Women Representation
Zipper System (Rwanda): Rwanda’s system requires every third candidate on party lists to be female, resulting in one of the highest female parliamentary representation globally.
Constitutional Committees (Chile): Ensures balanced gender representation in committees, promoting equitable decision-making.
European Quota Systems: Countries like Switzerland implement effective quotas, significantly improving female representation in legislative bodies.
UPSC Previous Year Questions
Prelims
Q. Consider the following statements regarding ‘Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam’ :(2025)
Provisions will come into effect from 18th Lok Sabha.
This will be in force for 15 years after becoming an Act.
There are provisions for the reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes Women within the quota reserved for the Scheduled Castes.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
1, 2 and 3
1 and 2 only
2 and 3 only
1 and 3 only
Answer: (c)
Mains
Q.1 What are the continued challenges for Women in India against time and space? (2019)
Q.2 Discuss the desirability of greater representation to women in the higher judiciary to ensure diversity, equity and inclusiveness. (2021)
FAQ's
Q. What is the political representation of women in India?
A. It refers to women’s share in legislative bodies. As of 2024, women hold about 14% of Lok Sabha seats (74 of 543) and 17% of Rajya Sabha seats. This includes reserved local seats (33% in panchayats) and marks them as a minority in politics.
Q. What is the status of women’s participation in politics in India?
A. Women’s participation remains low. Only about 15% of MPs and 9% of MLAs are women. This is despite 50% women voters. It shows a gender gap in candidates fielded and elected.
Q. What is the women’s reservation in the Indian parliament?
A. The Women’s Reservation Bill (2023) reserves 33% of seats in Lok Sabha and state assemblies for women. It includes sub-quotas for SC/ST women. Passed in 2023, implementation awaits delimitation.
Q. How can we increase representation of women in politics?
A. Key measures include legislated quotas, party-level targets for women candidates, capacity-building (training/mentoring), improving safety (against harassment), and changing social norms through education and awareness. These combined reforms can boost women’s political roles.
Q. What is the global status of women in politics?
A. It varies widely. Some countries (Rwanda 64%, Mexico 50%) have gender-parity in parliament, while India has only ~14%. Worldwide, the average female legislative share is ~26%. Internationally, goals like UN SDG-5 aim for full participation by 2030.
Conclusion
Women’s political representation in India today is a story of slow progress and pending promise. Only about one in seven MPs is a woman, a stark underrepresentation in the world’s largest democracy. The gap stems from deep-rooted patriarchy, socio-economic barriers and political inertia, which together form the issue of women’s political participation and representation in India. However, reforms such as the 33% reservation law and proven successes at the local level offer a way forward. Implementing quotas, empowering women leaders, and addressing stereotypes are key.
For UPSC aspirants, this topic links the ideals of democracy, gender equality and social justice. A higher women’s presence is not just a political target but enriches governance. As one source notes, more women in parliament correlate with better outcomes in education, health and welfare. Women’s representation thus embodies core UPSC values: inclusive democracy, equitable development and constitutional justice. A strong answer will weave data (citations above), constitutional context, and forward-looking reforms to highlight that enabling “political representation of women in India” is critical for building a just and robust democracy.
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